In large cities, such as New York City, opportunities for domestic work are great but the occupation itself is extremely segregated. Kennedy states “Ninety-five percent of domestic workers in New York today are people of color, 93% in New York are women, and 17% across the nation lack the legal authorization to work in the U.S. domestic workers who report mistreatment by employers cite their race, immigration status, and language skills as significant factors contributing to the abuse” (Kennedy, p.3). Since domestic work operates in a race based hierarchy, women in addition to competing with the general labor force also have to fight for equal pay with other domestic workers who receive better pay. A white domestic worker, in fact, is more likely to receive better pay than a domestic worker who is a person of color.Despite these challenges and contrary to common belief, domestics have shown tremendous agency by organizing themselves into powerful workers’ movements. Boris and Premilla state, “…women workers themselves have created informal networks, mutual aid associations, cooperatives, and unions. Rather than organizing along the primary axis of class alone, these workers have integrated into their organizing strategies more specific identities based on race, ethnicity, gender, and family” (Boris and Premilla, p.3). Domestic workers throughout the nation have come together to expose the injustice that occurs within the confines of U.S. homes (England, p.368). Domestic Workers United (DWU) has been one of the most powerful domestic workers organizations for domestics and it influenced the standards set in the New York Bill of Rights. DWU was founded in 2000 by the CAAAV: Organizing Asian Communities and Andolan: Organizing South Asian Workers (Poo, p.5). The CAAV reached out to Caribbean, Latina and African domestic workers in an effort to fight against injustice for domestic workers (Poo, p.5). One of the founders of DWU was Ai-jen Poo and initially the organization filed lawsuits on behalf of domestic workers (Poo, p.5). Poor states that the organization quickly realized, however, that in order to make a bigger impact, they needed to engage state legislatures and city council members (Poo, p.6). In 2003, DWU launched the Domestic Workers Bill of Rights Campaign and held the “Having Your Say” conventions that brought domestic workers together from all over the world (Poo, p.6). It was at these conventions that the DWU drafted the Domestic Workers Bill of Rights (Poo, p.6). For years the DWU lobbied in Albany and built its collation by mobilizing its supporters from different communities culminating, as a result, in the signing in 2010 of the Bill of Rights (Poo, p.9).Another powerful organization that came out of the DWU, was the National Domestic Workers Alliance (NDWA) founded by Ai-jen Poo. The NDWA has numerous chapters throughout the U.S. England states, “The NDWA began with a handful of domestic worker associations in a few cities, and now has over 45 local affiliate organizations with over 10,000 nannies, house cleaners and caregivers in about 30 cities and 16 states around the country” (England, p.377). Today, the NDWA continues its advocacy fight for domestic workers on the national level.Implementation of the Domestic Workers Bill of Rights led to amendment of the labor law, executive law, human rights law, and workers’ compensation law (Fretto, p.2). The Bill defines domestic workers as anyone who “works in another person’s home: caring for children or an elderly person, keeping house (cleaning and cooking) and doing other domestic jobs in the home (gardening or repairs)” (NY Bill Facts for Domestic Workers, p.1). The Bill requires employers to pay at least the minimum wage, guarantees employees overtime pay, one day (24 hours) of rest per week, three paid days after a year, weekly pay and much more (NY Bill Facts for Domes