The ILO and the concept of Decent Work Essay

1.1 Introduction

The construct of nice work was foremost proposed by the Director-General of the International Labour Office ( ILO ) as a consolidative model and a cardinal precedence for the organisation in his Report to the 87th Session of the International Labour Conference in June 1999.[ 1 ]Since so, while some work has been done on the construct, schemes and policies for nice work, comparatively less attending has been given to the inquiry of indexs, every bit good as the legal significance to be given to each index of mensurating the parametric quantities of nice work. Information on indexs is needed to measure state public presentation on nice work and to measure advancement over clip. It is besides needed to do inter-country comparings sing public presentation on nice work and its single constituents. The treatment of indexs is therefore closely linked to the aims and the significance of nice work in different institutional and structural contexts.[ 2 ]

The purpose of this paper is to discourse the construct and constituents of nice work. It besides considers their relevancy to states with different institutional models and at different phases of development. This is done through a treatment of three theoretical accounts of nice work – classical, passage and development – applicable severally to market industrial economic systems, passage states and developing states. The importance of this system is laid down in footings of the fact that India is yet to follow a model matching to nice work. This, as evidenced by several new statute laws vouching employment to the rural and urban hapless, must be seen as the tendency towards which labour jurisprudence in India is switching. Therefore this paper aims besides to function as a background from which to establish future policy determinations within the Indian context.

1.2A Research Methodology


A A A A A A The research methodological analysis adopted is doctrinal, maintaining in head the demand of the topic.A This undertaking seeks to set about a comprehensive analysis of the construct of nice work as propounded by the International Labour Organisation. The survey on the subject, hence, has been based on the secondary beginnings like books and some web sites on the cyberspace relevant to the subject and the positions and sentiments of bookmans have besides been considered. The secondary printed beginnings every bit good as the cyberspace installations provided for at the NALSAR University of Law have been of great aid for the research subject.

1.3 Research Scheme

A A A A A A The nature of this undertaking is in the signifier of an analysis of the nice work model given by the ILO and bing policy constructions in different states. The research worker has chiefly adopted the analytical method of composing. The tool of comparing and description has been adopted where necessary.A After supplying an penetration into the nature of nice work, the recommendations of the ILO are isolation along with modern-day analogue motions around the universe.

Chapter Two: Decent Work

2.1 The Concept of Decent Work

The construct of “ nice work ” is a comparatively new one, and must be distinguished from allied footings such as “ right to work ” , “ pay warrants ” , “ employment conditions ” etc. For the intent of this undertaking the term “ nice work ” picks up from its first well-documented use: In his 1999 Report to the International Labour Conference, the ILO Director-General stated: “ The primary end of the ILO today is to advance chances for adult females and work forces to obtain nice and productive work, in conditions of freedom, equity, security and human self-respect. ”[ 3 ]( accent supplied ) .

The impression of nice work, hence as elaborated in the study, emphasizes four elements: employment, societal security, workers ‘ rights and societal duologue. Let us briefly analyse the significance of these elements. Employment refers to, generically, work of all sorts and has both quantitative and qualitative dimensions. As understood by me the impression of nice work is applicable non merely to workers in the formal economic system but besides to “ unregulated pay workers, the freelance, and place workers ” .[ 4 ]Further, it refers to both equal chances and wage for work ( in hard currency or sort ) . Decent work besides embraces safety at work and healthy working conditions.[ 5 ]The 2nd component, viz. societal security constituent of nice work is intended to protect against the hazard of losing income. As stated in the Director-General ‘s 1999 Report: ‘Everybody – regardless of where they live – needs a minimal degree of societal security and income security, defined harmonizing to the society ‘s capacity and degree of development ‘ .[ 6 ]As is apparent in the term, societal security would intend the warrant to the worker of a minimal degree of security, secured by the province, independent of his ain income or business.

While the first two constituents of nice work refer to chances, wage, security and conditions of work, the last two emphasize the “ societal dealingss of workers ” . The impression of nice work incorporates cardinal rights of workers – “ All those who work hold rights at work ”[ 7 ]. The basic rights relate to freedom of association, non-discrimination in work, and the absence of forced labor and child labor in opprobrious conditions. Social duologue refers to the right of workers to prosecute in treatments with employers and governments over affairs bearing on work.[ 8 ]This requires engagement and freedom of association and is hence an terminal in itself. It is besides a agency of guaranting struggle declaration, societal equity and effectual policy execution. It is the agencies by which rights are defended, employment promoted and work secured. It is a beginning of stableness at all degrees, from the endeavor to society at big.

2.2 Difference from earlier governments

The above description of the construct of nice work instantly raises a figure of inquiries. How does this definition of nice work differ from earlier treatments on the topic? Are all the elements of nice work of a similar nature and position? Is the construct of nice work of cosmopolitan cogency and applicable to states in all state of affairss? It is utile to turn to these inquiries briefly.

Since its origin, the ILO has been concerned with the four constituents that define nice work.[ 9 ]These subjects have been treated in assorted studies and treatments over the past 80 old ages. They have been the topic of legion Conventions and Recommendations that have served as guidelines for authoritiess, the societal spouses and international bureaus.[ 10 ]Despite this “ antediluvian ” tradition, the impression of nice work represents an progress over earlier treatments on this subject.

Substantively, nice work constitutes an attempt to see the different dimensions of work within a individual model. In the yesteryear, both within and to a big extent outside ILO, the subjects of employment, wage, working conditions, societal security, workers ‘ rights, engagement and corporate bargaining, tended to be treated individually and in isolation.[ 11 ]Few efforts were made to see how the different dimensions of work related to each other. The impression of nice work non merely forces us to see work along all its different dimensions but besides invites us to research the relationships between these dimensions. Hopefully this should assist convey out the complementarities and struggles among the constituents of nice work more clearly than in the yesteryear. Organizationally, the nice work model should assist to advance greater consistence and coherency in ILO ‘s substantial work.[ 12 ]

2.3 Prioritizing within the Decent Work Framework

A consideration of nice work besides raises the inquiry of the nature and precedence of its different constituents.[ 13 ]In simple footings: when following “ nice work ” models into municipal statute laws, what picks should states faces with unequal resources to undertake all elements at the same time do? For some intents, it is convenient to group the different constituents of nice work into two classs: employment and societal security in one, and workers ‘ rights and societal duologue in the other. Work chances, wage degrees, working conditions and societal security are determined chiefly by the degree of economic development. On the other manus, workers ‘ rights and societal duologue are more a affair of statute law and disposal.[ 14 ]It will be traveling excessively far to reason that while the points in the first class necessitate existent resources, those in the 2nd can be handled simply by go throughing Torahs. Workers ‘ rights can non be enforced without resources, and societal duologue mechanisms depend upon institutional agreements in forming work. However, it remains true that the first class constituents of nice work finally depend more upon “ material forces ” while the 2nd class are more influenced by moralss, values and statute law. The inquiry of prioritising the different elements of nice work raises hard and complex issues.

First, there are complications originating from the relationships among its assorted constituents. As argued above, one of the virtuousnesss of the nice work attack is that it exposes these more clearly than earlier.[ 15 ]While few dispute the being of such relationships, their nature, way and extent are less explored and they generate much argument and contention. The being and uncertainness of the relationships between the different constituents of nice work complicate any effort to prioritise them. Indeed, it may be argued that they render such efforts invalid.

Even if such expostulations are dismissed, the inquiry of precedences must depend upon social values, socio-economic establishments and degrees of prosperity and wealth. To take the last point foremost, it is frequently argued that in the early phases of development, the creative activity of work chances should take precedency over the proviso of societal security, the inexplicit premise being that the two are in struggle.[ 16 ]A similar statement is sometimes used sing certain labour rights, particularly the right to organize brotherhoods and prosecute in corporate bargaining.

Institutions have a clear bearing on work chances, income distribution and societal security. For case, an agricultural government characterized by a comparatively equal distribution of land by and large provides greater livelihood security and more even income distribution than one having a few big landholders and widespread landlessness and occupancy. Similarly, the presence of communal and concerted establishments in some societies can supply an of import shock absorber against insecurity and hazards before the development of insurance strategies and societal security financed by the province and employers.

The dominant social values, which normally reflect the distribution of power among different socio-economic groups, influence the precedences among assorted constituents of nice work. This influence is exerted through national establishments and policies. The different precedences attached to values such as equality, solidarity, democratic engagement, single chances, inducements, community and household coherence, will in bend influence the precedences accorded by public policy to work chances, wage, societal security, freedom of association and societal duologue. The issues of relevancy and precedences among nice work constituents are hence best illustrated through a consideration of institutional and structural diverseness among states.

Chapter Three: Three theoretical accounts of nice work

In add-on to the construct of prioritizing within nice work elements, comes besides the inquiry of how each state ‘s economic and political system would respond to the execution of such a theoretical account. Many facets of economic construction have deductions for the attainment of nice work aims. The most of import of them relate to income per caput, sectoral distribution and employment position of the labour force, authorities gross and outgo as a proportion of GDP, and the portion of the populace sector in productive assets and entire end product. Associated with some of these structural differences are differences in labour establishments that characterize the different theoretical accounts of nice work.[ 17 ]The different structural and institutional characteristics are by and large interrelated but there are many exclusions.

Income per caput affects nice work through its impact on wage and on the ability of the authorities to raise gross to turn to societal security demands. High per capita incomes facilitate compensable employment chances and the proviso of societal security to run into eventualities. Low per capita incomes are frequently associated with a high incidence of absolute poorness. The distribution of the labour force by position – employees, freelance, household members – is a major determiner of the nature of jobs faced by workers in the spheres of employment, societal security, and rights at work or societal duologue. The portion of public revenue enhancement and outgo in entire end product has an of import influence on the range of authorities policy associating to societal security, poorness decrease and overall employment.[ 18 ]The portion of the populace sector in entire production affects several dimensions of employment, societal security and labor establishments.[ 19 ]The relevancy of these characteristics for nice work becomes clear when we consider the features of the three theoretical accounts of nice work.

3.1 The classical theoretical account

States in this class are characterized by high per capita income, high portion of the labour force in pay employment and high proportion of GDP allocated to authorities and societal security outgo. In the mid-1990s, GDP per capita ( in buying power para ) in these states ranged between US $ 12,000 and US $ 30,000. The portion of pay employees was in the part of 70 to 90 per cent. Government outgo as a proportion of GDP varied from 25 to about 50 per cent and public societal security outgo from around 15 to over 33 per cent.[ 20 ]

With a few exclusions ( largely states with comparatively low per capita income ) , agriculture histories for less than 5 per cent of the labour force, while the service sector employs between 60 and 80 per cent of the labour force. Extreme destitution in the signifier of hungriness, malnutrition, deficiency of entree to clean imbibing H2O and shelter, is negligible, although comparative poorness defined as the per centum of people with incomes below 50 per cent of average income is more significant, changing from around 5-7 per cent in Norse states to 22 per cent or more in the United Kingdom and the United States.[ 21 ]

Trade brotherhoods constitute the most of import and representative signifier of workers ‘ organisation. Although the proportion of workers enrolled as trade brotherhood members has declined in most states over the past two to three decennaries, it continues to be important, changing largely between 25 and 50 per cent ( excepting states at the two extremes ) .[ 22 ]Corporate bargaining at endeavor, industry or national degree is the most of import agencies of finding wage and other footings of employment in most states. Again go forthing out the extremes, corporate bargaining coverage varies between 25 and 90 per cent of pay employees.

3.2 The passage theoretical account

The passage states from the former Soviet axis are traveling from centrally planned to market economic systems. They still bear the Markss of their earlier being. The cardinal characteristic of communist economic systems was province ownership of most productive assets and belongings. Practically the full working population was employed in authorities, in province endeavors or on corporate farms. Full employment and compulsory work for all male grownups and most adult females were an built-in portion of their societal and economic policy. The province provided comprehensive societal security to all its citizens. All workers were members of trade brotherhoods, which were, nevertheless, controlled by the province and the Communist party.

The passage states that emerged from the prostration of communism show considerable diverseness in their degree of development, economic public presentation and societal policy. In peculiar, clear differences have emerged between the Central European provinces on the one manus, which have performed comparatively good, and the East and South East European provinces on the other. The state of affairs is even worse in the Caucasic and Asiatic provinces.

Similarly, authorities outgo and revenue enhancement gross represent a comparatively high proportion of GDP – between 25 and 50 per cent. The societal security system has undergone rather extremist alterations in line with the overall economic system. It has become less comprehensive and generous, more targeted and means-tested and more privatized.[ 23 ]However, public societal security outgo continues to account for a high proportion of GDP for in-between income states – between 10 and 25 per cent of GDP. Trade brotherhood rank has fallen but the brotherhoods have become independent of the province and political parties.[ 24 ]These characteristics, a contemplation of the Communist yesteryear, topographic point these states much closer to market industrial states than to middle-income developing states.

3.3 The development theoretical account

The developing states display far greater diverseness in their economic constructions than the states in the two groups discussed supra. The economic differences among developing states are recognized in the assorted categorizations employed by international bureaus, such as in-between income ( upper and lower ) , low income and least developed states. Despite these differences, the great bulk of these states portion the features of widespread absolute poorness, extended under- or unemployment, limited industrialisation and Manichaean economic constructions.

An analysis of informations on some structural characteristics of 14 developing states, selected to exemplify the diverseness among them, brings to light several singular facts.[ 25 ]Per capita GDP varies from around $ 1500 ( palatopharyngoplasty ) or less for low-income states such as Ethiopia, Kenya and India, all the manner to around $ 10,000 or more for states such as Malaysia, Chile and South Korea, conveying them near to the degrees found in Portugal and Greece and good above those in most passage states. In low-income states, between 60 to 80 per cent of the labour force is employed in agribusiness. Even in most in-between income states, it varies between 20 and 40 per cent – well higher than in most passage states.

There is similar diverseness with respect to the portion of the labour force in pay employment, which varies from less than 15 per cent in many low-income states to between 60 and 70 per cent in middle-income states. Once once more the ratios for the latter group are non much below those found in market industrial and passage states. However, the class of pay employees covers both the formal and informal economic systems. Typically, informal sector employment tends to be far more of import in developing states than in the other two classs. There does non look to be a correlativity with income per capita. In Sub-saharan states, the portion of urban informal employment is particularly high, transcending 70 per cent in Ghana and Mali. It is close to half in some Latin American states such as Honduras and Colombia.

Government outgo as a portion of GDP seems less related to GDP per capita in developing states. A figure of factors such as grosss from mineral exports, the portion of the populace sector in production and foreign assistance affect the degrees of authorities outgo. These factors explain the highly high ratios in states like Botswana, Egypt and Brazil – around 40 per cent of GDP. They besides account for the comparatively high ratios in some low-income states such as Kenya and Sri Lanka – ratios frequently higher than those found in much richer states such as Chile, Malaysia or Mauritius.

The ratio of public societal security outgo is much lower in developing states than in industrial or passage states. This is even the instance for states with comparatively high per capita incomes such as the Republic of Korea, Malaysia or Mauritius. Except for the high-income Latin American states, these ratios for most underdeveloped states tend to be under 6 per cent. Chile, Costa Rica, Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay allocate 10 to 13 per cent of their GDP to societal security outgo – a comparatively high proportion in comparing with other middle-income states in Asia.

Extensive absolute poorness and low human development indexs are a distinguishing characteristic of most developing states. The working hapless, defined as households with net incomes of less than one dollar per individual per twenty-four hours, signifier between 20 and 50 per cent of the employed population in most states. For most in-between income states, the proportion is less than 10 per cent. Indexs such as malnutrition, infant mortality, entree to clean imbibing H2O and grownup literacy besides conveying out the being of widespread poorness in most underdeveloped states.[ 26 ]

Trade brotherhood denseness – the proportion of the working population enrolled in trade brotherhoods – tends, as expected, to be comparatively low in most underdeveloped states, rarely transcending 10 to 15 per cent.[ 27 ]Merely a few states such as Argentina, Costa Rica and South Africa have brotherhood denseness rates around 40-50 per cent, comparable to the mean rates found in industrial and passage states.

Chapter Five: Decision

5.1 Is nice work a cosmopolitan construct?

The predating subdivisions have highlighted significant structural and institutional diverseness among different groups of states, and so within these groupings. It is frequently argued that the construct of nice work is applicable merely to states with features similar to those in market industrial states.[ 28 ]Those who take this place argue that since its constitution in 1919, the ILO has advocated norms and criterions that reflect the conditions in industrial states. At least until the late fiftiess, ILO ‘s work – surveies, studies, criterions, proficient cooperation, conferences and workshops – related to see in these states. For case, its work on employment focused on making occupations for employees and bettering their wage and conditions of work. Social security likewise dealt with jobs that arise for employees from unemployment, work accidents, and break or surcease of work due to sickness, pregnancy, old age or disablement. The attacks to workers ‘ rights and societal duologue were besides by and large based on the employer-employee theoretical account, whether they relate to favoritism, freedom of association, child labor, corporate bargaining or engagement in determination devising at the endeavor or industry degree.

Make the structural and institutional differences in developing and passage states render the construct of nice work unsuitable to them? If the cardinal characteristic underlying the nice work paradigm is the employee-employer relationship in the formal economic system, this should do the paradigm of lone fringy relevancy for the great bulk of developing states. Likewise, if the voluntary and independent position of workers ‘ and employers ‘ organisations is central to the nice work theoretical account, its pertinence to some states with preponderantly province economic systems may be called into inquiry. But these facets relate to mechanisms and instruments for the attainment of nice work aims. When it comes to the aims themselves, it can credibly be argued that nice work is so a cosmopolitan aspiration.[ 29 ]

All workers, whether in province endeavors, the formal or informal economic system or self-employment, desire degrees of wage in hard currency or sort that provide at least a minimal criterion of life for their households. They besides wish to work in safe and healthy conditions and to hold a secure support.

Like other citizens, workers in all classs besides seek the right to organize their ain organisations to support and advance their involvements and to take part in determinations that affect them as workers. These ends and rights are non merely desired by the workers themselves ; their fulfillment has been recognized as a societal and governmental duty. These rights have been incorporated in such international paperss as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Covenants on Civil and Political and Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. There are besides many UN and ILO Conventions that bind take parting states to esteem the cardinal rights of people and workers and to advance their societal and economic wellbeing. While the aims behind nice work therefore retain their cosmopolitan cogency, their content and the mechanisms for attainment must be adapted to states ‘ structural and institutional features.

5.2 “ Decent work ” and India: Deductions

As stated before, Indian statute law sing the right to work mostly covers the process of vouching such a right, and the agencies by which this right is to be guaranteed alternatively of what components precisely this right should be composed. In this subdivision I analyse the Indian experience through two such statute laws, frequently called sister-laws: the Maharashtra Employment Guarantee Scheme, and the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act.

5.2.1 Maharashtra Employment Guarantee Scheme ( MEGS )

The Maharashtra Employment Guarantee Scheme ( afterlife MEGS ) is an illustration of comparative success every bit good as upscaling from a little pilot undertaking in a few small towns to a state-wide strategy that officially covers the whole of rural Maharashtra. It has been implemented at province authorities degree for more than three decennaries and has influenced the demand for a national employment warrant act in India. The current treatment around the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and its execution has been inspired by the positive characteristics of the Maharashtra strategy, while some concerns about its operation have led to alterations in the national jurisprudence.

The strategy warrants that every grownup who wants a occupation in rural countries will be given one, provided that the individual is willing to make unskilled manual work on a piece-rate footing. However, the work is provided merely if there are 50 laborers available, to guarantee that the plants are of a minimal size. Self-selection of the hapless is built into the MEGS, in several ways. No pick of work is offered: the laborer must be willing to make whatever is asked. The pay rates offered under the MEGS have been low, and by and large below the agricultural pay rate. After a Supreme Court opinion that ensured that workers under the strategy must be paid the lower limit pay, the legal lower limit pay in the province has been kept low and is now one of the lowest in India, even though consumer monetary value degrees are higher than the national norm. Further, while officially the work must be provided within a 5-km radius, really the warrant operates at the territory degree and utilizing the system of administrative “ pockets ” , which means that a individual may be required to go a long distance for a few yearss of impermanent work.

Among the unfavorable judgments of the MEGS, the most outstanding have related to the deficiency of local engagement, over-dependence upon the bureaucratism, rigidness of the strategies and corruptness in their execution. Some of the following jobs have emerged as the most important, and these have besides affected the framing of the National Act: ( 1 ) Lack of transparence in employment and hard currency expense ; ( 2 ) Fudging of muster axial rotations of employment ; ( 3 ) Delayed payments ; ( 4 ) Cheat of nonreader villagers, with payments being denied under specious evidences ; ( 5 ) Employment of kids ; ( 6 ) Inadequate proviso of work, such that in some instances the figure of people necessitating employment under the programme is thrice the figure of people who really get work ; ( 7 ) Excessive accent on route building instead than other signifiers of work, and unequal efforts to supply other signifiers of work particularly those more easy performed by adult females ; ( 8 ) Lack of flexibleness sing work clip.

5.2.2 The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act

The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, which has merely late been legislated by the Parliament of India, is the result of a complex procedure of dialogue and political lobbying, which has besides been affected by perceptual experiences of both the successes and failures of the Maharashtra experience. The Act proposed by the UPA authorities is more limited, in that it offers merely 100 yearss of employment per rural family, instead than an limitless figure of yearss per single grownup as in the MEGS. There are jobs with such restriction, both in footings of the administrative costs associated with finding merely 100 yearss, and more significantly in footings of specifying the family. It has been argued that restricting it to households will adversely impact adult females ‘s employment and besides that the hapless tend to be concentrated in big families because of deficiency of resources, so that more people among the hapless could be excluded from the programme. The warrant is to be provided ab initio in 200 territories ( 150 of which were already covered under a Food-for-Work programme ) and so extended to cover the whole of rural India within five old ages.

5.3 Conclusion and Recommendations

Over the class of the predating few pages the research worker has aimed to make four things. First, the construct of nice work as enumerated by the International Labour Organisation has been explained and broken down in item into its component elements. Policy inquiries sing which to give more precedence to while sing how states should implement the ILO ‘s guidelines are besides discussed. Following, the relationship between economic state of affairs and the theoretical account of work warrant has been discussed, maintaining the tone off from India intentionally so as to enable a more focused expression at a subsequent phase. The research worker has so investigated whether the construct of nice work possesses any characteristic of catholicity that would help in its ain propogation within national legislative assemblies. Finally a brief expression at India ‘s bing Torahs has been presented to show the blunt difference between domestic world and international aspiration.

It is dry that a hunt for instance jurisprudence on “ nice work ” threw up perfectly no consequences – a testament to the fact that neither the High Courts, nor the Supreme Court, hold given due consideration to the international model of nice work. Indeed, the attack adopted by the Indian province seems to be extremely legislature-centre, with small focal point on the bench ‘s function in vouching that while the figure of yearss of work are guaranteed, for case, the quality of work done under those yearss is besides ensured to hold certain minimal criterions. Acerate leaf to state there can non be a cosmopolitan preparation of the parametric quantities of nice work, but that does non travel to state that a state which makes no pretenses towards achieving this end should be excused. The demand of the hr, every bit far as the international scenario is concerned is to ( a ) define the construct of nice work based on the dicussed standards into more narrow national legalistic preparations, and ( B ) guarantee that a signifier of usage is generated through this motion so as to exercise the equal sum of power throughout the universe, get the better ofing the ‘three theoretical accounts ‘ job discussed here and the consequent ticket of developing, Communist or developed it brings. Equally far as domestic Indian statute law is concerned I would state the demand is of ( a ) a national jurisprudence that ensures a minimal quality of the work given to each and every worker, following the ILO ‘s parametric quantities and based on the construct of equality laid out under Article 14 of the Constitution ; ( B ) make the bench more pro-active in traveling beyond merely giving work to seeing what work is being given, and ( degree Celsius ) the constitution of specialized bureaus to look into the construct of nice work and its deductions for municipal jurisprudence. With this attack I believe the words of the Director-General may really come true one twenty-four hours, and the end of guaranting for every worker security, stableness, self-respect and rights be sustained.

Bibliography and Beginnings

Gerry Rodgers, ( 2000 ) , “ Decent work as a development aim ” . Lecture to the 42nd Annual Meeting of the Indian Society of Labour Economics, Madhya Pradesh, India.

Ted Hughes ( 2001 ) , Global Social Transformation: The Sweet Spot, The Steady Slog and the Systemic Shift, Economic Development and Cultural Change Vol 49. No.2, 2001 ) .

Amartya Sen, ( 2000 ) , Work and Rights, International Labour Review, 2000, Vol 139, No. 2.

Kanbur, R. and N. Lustig, 1999, “ Why is Inequality Back on the Agenda, Paper prepared for the Annual Bank Conference on Development Economics, World Bank, Washington DC, April 28-30, 1999.

N. Majid, The Size of the Working Poor Population in Developing States, Employment Working Paper 2001/16, May, 2001.

A.K.Ghose ( 1999 ) , Current Issues of Employment Policy in India, Economic and Political Weekly, September, 4 -10, 1999

J. Dreze and A. Sen, ( 1989 ) , Hunger and Public Action, Oxford, Clarendon.

S. Anand and M. Ravallion ( 1993 ) , Human Development in Poor Countries: On the Role of Private Incomes and Public Services, Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 7.

S. Klasen ( 2000 ) , Does Gender Inequality Reduce Growthand Development? Working paper 7. Development Research Group, Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Network, The World Bank.

D. Kucera ( 2000 ) , Decent Work and Rights at Work: New Measures of Freedom of Association and Collective Bargaining, ( ILO Roneo ) .

R.K. Sah, Feasibility, Human Organisations and Political Systems ( 1991 ) , Journal of Economic Perspectives. Vol. 5/2, 1991.

A.Chong and C.Calderon, 2000, Institutional Quality and Income Distribution, Economic Development and Cultural Change, University of Chicago Press, July, 2000.

Hughes ( 2001 ) , Global Social Transformation: The Sweet Spot, The Steady Slog and the Systemic Shift, Economic Development and Cultural Change Vol 49. No.2, 2001.

Majid. N, The Sizeof the WorkingPoor Population in Developing States, Employment WorkingPaper 2001/16, May, 2001.

Forsythe, Korzeniewicz and Durrant ( 2000 ) .Gender Inequalities and Economic Growth. A Longitudnal Evaluation. , Economic Development and Cultural Change, University of Chicago.